Civilizations, Organizing Production and Political Control

Civilization, Organizing Production, & Political Control

	One of the first terms with which we must come to grips is that of society.
Basically, a society is an organized collectivity of interacting people whose
activities become centered around a set of common goals. A society attempts to
share common beliefs, attitudes, and modes of action. But societies are
continually changing allignments of groups and subgroups and classes. One must also distinguish the meaning of culture from these other terms.
Culture refers to a series of processes that construct, reconstruct and
dismantle cultural materials in response to identifiable needs and causes. It
is the human-made part of our environment. It is the human adaptation to the
environment; i.e., the way of life. Culture comprises the habits, attitudes,
values, and institutions of a society. Institutions may be defined as any
significant practices, organized ways or systems of doing things, highly
formalized habits or structures in a society or culture.
Civilization is another term with which we must deal. Civilization denotes a
complex culture shared by many people and characterized by cities and writing.
It is also associated with a more complex division of labor (the textbook speaks
of complex hierarchical societies) and monumental architecture. A
civilization may be conceived as a zone of cultural interaction pivoted on an
hegemonic tributary society. Usually, an ideology is involved in the hegemony.
Confucianism in China is an example:
All the ideological models paralleling the tributary mode have similar
characteristics, according to Eric Wolf: they postulate an hierarchical cosmos;
real relations between exploiters and producers are displaced to those
between a superior deity and "subjects".
The term mode of production indicates a way to conceptualize how societies or
cultures organize their production. Each specific, historically occurring set
of social relations through which labor is deployed to wrest energy from
nature by means of tools, skills, organization, and knowledge represents a mode
of production. Modes of production and societies are not the same: they
apply to two levels of abstraction about human pluralities. Society has to do
with the real or imputed interactions among people. Mode has to do with
economic relationships that underlie, orient and constrain interaction.
We are going to postulate that there were three general modes of production
apparent in the history of civilization: these were a kin-ordered mode in the
less developed areas, a tributary mode in the major traditional cultures, and
a capitalistic mode in the modernizing world.
With kinship mode, access to the means of production, that is, to livelihood and
wealth, is controlled by kinship. Materials, lands, labor and other things
are supplied by people who have moral obligations to one another. A sense of
kinship supplies the motivation for production. People work, produce, and
cooperate to satisfy moral obligations, not because they are compelled by force
and not for commercial profit or to `get rich.'
Climate and topography favorable to agriculture spawned greater wealth and,
therefore, made civilization possible. In turn, in this setting, the tributary
mode of production arose. The tributary mode was the mode of the major
traditional civilizations. The tributary mode of production is associated with
the following:
1) The market-exchange system. Most exchange of goods and services transpires at
the public marketplace; the marketplace is transparent because of rules and
because exchange is mostly local or regional.
2) The local regional market region that is "a relatively self-sufficient
economic nodule." (I. Wallerstein) . More precisely there is a local regional
market for goods.
3) Labor is expended for production of goods that will be consumed locally (not
for profit maximization on an abstract world-market). Social labor relates to
a regional market where consumers and producers are known. Moreover, this
probably has value implications; e.g., village-orientation, communal
allegiances, family and communal solidarity as morality.
4) Social labor is mobilized and committed to the transformation of nature by
domination; that is, through political process. We commonly think of this as
involving the political side of things. With the tributary mode, surplus wealth
produced by primary producers is extracted from them by political and
military rulers or elites. However onerous such a state of affairs may appear
to us, it did represent a mode of production, "...in which a primary
producer, whether cultivator or herdsman, was allowed access to means of
production, while tribute is extracted from him by political and military
means," in order to pay administrative costs.
{Note, under the capitalist mode, the producers or workers have
surplus extracted from them by economic means and they do not own the means of
production.}
Political control, as you should learn in World Civilizations I, provides
one important means of creating civiliation and of providing people with a
higher standard of living. The earliest form of political control was based on
the tributary mode of production and comprised a simple form of domination or
political process. It took two polar forms: A. diffuse power; local
elites exercise much power. This is the polar form in medieval Europe and in
early modern Japan. This form is identified as feudalism. B. concentrated
power in the hands of a central, imperial elite which strongly controls local
elites. This is the polar form in Ming and Ch'ing China and Mogul India. This
form is identified as the imperial or universal monarchy. [These two polar forms
correspond to Marx's idea that there was a feudal and an Asiatic mode, thus
two separate modes of production: but they are not two modes, but rather
polar ends of one mode. Moreover, they have nothing to do with European and
Asiatic cultures or societies, necessarily.]
The capitalist mode of production is defined and characterized in this way.
Capitalism is a system of production for maximum profit in a world-market. That
means that social labor is expended for production of goods that will be
sold on the abstract, impersonal world-market. The world-market, the large
area in which economic interaction occurs is not controlled by a single political
entity, but crosses the borders of many states. In contrast to the market-exchange
system, exchange of goods is private, not public, and there is no necessary
regulation or transparency in exchange. Moreover, regional markets
tend to become less and less self-regulating as they are implicated
in world-market patterns.
With the capitalist mode of production, social labor is mobilized
economically, rather than by domination. But while this appears to make people
free, on the one hand, it enslaves them on the other, for land tends to be
commercialized, and more importantly, labor tends to be turned into a commodity.
With capitalist accumulation and production for the world-market, the means
of production come into the hands of capitalists who direct and determine
these means of production. Labor is denied control, and in some cases,
even access to the means of production, and hence labor, itself,
becomes a commodity separate from products, raw materials, and sales.
Moreover, one must agree with the incisive book by Eric Wolf,
Europe and the People Without a History, a prominent sociologist,
that maximization of profits or surplus produced by wage labor leads to,
"ceaseless accumulation accompanied by changes in methods of production,"
by the capitalists. Wolf has shown the meaning of ceaseless introductions of
new technologies and the associated mass migrations of labor. [Wolf citing Sweezy,
1935, and Mandel, 1978, 103-107] Moreover, it must be noted that capitalism grew
historically by entering into working relationships with other modes of production,
siphoning off wealth and people and turning them into capital and
labor power. This is much the same thing as described by Braudel in the
analogy of humankind living in a three-level economic house.
[For further reading and the origins of many of the above ideas see the
following books: Fernand Braudel, Capitalism and Material Life, 1973;
Immanuel Wallerstein, The Modern World System: Capitalist Agriculture and
the Origins of the European World-Economy in the Sixteenth Century
,
1974;
and, most important, Eric Wolf, Europe and the People Without
History
, 1982.]

Last updated: 7 May (2. Jubilate) 2001.
Comments to: Dr. William J. Wright

Copyright © 1996 The University of Tennessee at Chattanooga. All rights reserved.
The University of Tennessee at Chattanooga is an EEO/AA/Title VI/TitleIX/Section 504/ADA institution.